Battle of Ideas - June 2004

The Battle of Ideas – 19 June, 2004

“Revolutionary commitment requires participation in revolutionary organization. The highest form of revolutionary organization is a communist political party.”

What is the highest form of ‘revolutionary organization’? Imani is correct in that the highest form of ‘revolutionary organization’ is the ‘people’s state’.

But what is ‘a people’s state’? A society where the people’s interest is truly met, where the people are in control of the society’s resources and can direct the development of society. It rises above the context or concept of any type of organization. It rest on the achievement of a state of humanism that surpasses the necessity of any ‘organizations’. This collective state of humanism can only be reached when the mass of women and men in the society have reached a level of spiritual and ideological development where their commitment to the future of the collective of society so dominates their lives that the coercive nature of an organization is no longer required. This type of society is communism!! Plain and simple, a society where people contribute based on their ability and receive based on their need. At least three theories dominate the ideological playing field on how this society can be achieved.

First that of Utopian socialists that feel that by setting the example of a ‘people’s state’, a collective committed to the whole within their small community that they would be an example to the world, and, that by serving as an example they would transform the thinking and actions of the masses. Many of us were forced to read the story of Thoreau’s Walden Pond. Many of us were even taught that this glorious attempt at a higher level of humanity failed because of the nature of humanity. That is the capitalists’ rationalization of its failure. However, we must recognize the ‘good intent of utopian socialists’ as a reflection of the positive nature of humankind. An isolated Walden’s Pond or ‘People’s State’ is impossible because of the global nature of society and the ideological, technological and organizational dominance of capitalism. This domination can only be overcome through the building and work of revolutionary organizations.

The second theoretical approach to achieving world communism – a sustainable people’s state, is that of anarchistic organization. Some people that have followed the practice of anarchists may find the term ‘anarchistic organization’ an oxymoron. However, in fact to consciously organize against structured organization is in fact a form of organization. This ideological approach binds together anarchists factions in effect what becomes an organization of factions. The very nature of anarchy theory, allows these factions to function unchecked or unfettered by other anarchists. This allows them to expedite their practice at a pace unlike democratic centralist or hierarchical organizations. The flaw of their approach lies in their inability to control and direct production. They are only capable of disrupting production. They cannot build production or the larger society. Capitalists that recognize this shortcoming realize they have no need to fear that anarchists will seize power and therefore work to manipulate any disruptions caused by anarchists. The appeal of anarchy is the recognition of the historical baggage of so-called revolutionary organizations, organizations that have suffered from elitism and individualism. This historical baggage is due to the ideological and practical dominance of capitalism. This dominance fuels yet is maintained by their organizational dominance. This loop can only be circumvented by revolutionary organizations.

A third theoretical approach to achieving world communism – a sustainable people’s state, is that of empowering a communist political party. The A-APRP correctly recognizes that this party must be a mass-based party. The inadequate nature of a vanguard party has been demonstrated by the communist parties of Eastern Europe. They once had state power but suffering from elitism, isolated themselves from the masses and diverted from the cause of socialism in an effort to maintain power. The revolutionary nature of a political party requires recognition of the highest expression of humanity and organization. That highest form is a ‘people’s state – communism’ – society where women and men contribute based on their ability and receive based on their needs – fullstop! We cannot shy away from this revolutionary responsibility because capitalism has pronounced communism dead, or because Marx and Mao were not African, or because of capitalist domination, the masses are confused on what communism is and therefore do not support it and in many instances are openly opposed to communism. We must share with the masses the truth, as we know it. We cannot hold back the truth based on the belief that the people are not ready or the time is not right. The task of the socialist party is to first seize state power and then to embark on transforming society. This transformation is not only a transfer of control of society’s resources to the masses, but also a ideological and spiritual transformation of men and women that creates higher beings, humans capable of conducting society without the constrains of organization – this is communism. We must be clear on what a ‘People’s State’ is and not allow it to be a cloud to hide under to avoid the “C- word”. Too often the contributions of Nkrumah-Tureism are misused to blunt the significance of non-African contributions to the science of socialist transformation. Social revolution is an integral part of socialist revolution. The people’s class is an achievement under socialist transformation that requires the recognition of distinct class divisions and struggle under capitalism.

In any case there are two interpretations of ‘organization’ - organization as an object and organization as a state. Organization as an object refers to an organization such as a committee, front or political party. The ‘People’s state’ refers to organization as a state of being. It is not a structural object like a political party. The context of my writing was organization as an object as is reflected in the more complete thought expressed in my initial letter.

“Revolutionary commitment requires participation in revolutionary organization. The highest form of revolutionary organization is a communist political party. The transformation, you will witness in Cuba has been guided by the Communist Party of Cuba for the past 45 years.”

This short piece is to inspire ideological struggle on the relationships between socialism, communism, political parties, people’s states, and Pan-Africanism.

On Communism Jan. 2003 and 2008

On Jan. 26, 2003 I gave this input to political education on communism

For those seeking further clarity on the relationship between Pan-Africanism, Nkrumahism-Tureism and communism the following is a direct quote from p.321 Chapter 35 The Non-Capitalistic Way, in “Africa on the Mover” by Seku Toure.

“The non-capitalistic Way is the expression of a socialistic will. But since socialism is defined as a given stage in the evolution of history, and since communism is presumed to follow after it, whether the stopping point is communism or even something beyond, it is nonetheless true that all ways that condemn the exploitation and oppression of man by man are non-capitalistic ways. Socialism is the first stage towards abolishing exploitation and oppression, and communism is a second stage, theoretically more radical. But both of these stages are of exactly the same nature, that of being founded on the interest of the people.”

It has been established that Nkrumah wrote about the linkage between Pan-Africanism and communism in the last chapter of “Class Struggle in Africa”, so we find Nkrumah and Toure consistent in linking socialism, Pan-Africanism and communism. I encourage responses and others to research this important topic.

Jan. 28, 2008 more input to CC on political education on communism

From “Class Struggle in Africa” by Nkrumah

p. 13 “There have been five major types of production relationships known to man – communalism, slavery, feudalism, capitalism and socialism. With the establishment of the socialist state, man has embarked on the road to communism”

p.26 “The principles of scientific socialism are universal and abiding, and involve the genuine socialization of productive and distributive processes. Those who for political reasons pay lip service to socialism, while aiding and abetting imperialism and neocolonialism, serve bourgeois class interests. Workers and peasants may be misled for a time, but as class consciousness develops the bogus socialists are exposed, and genuine socialist revolution is made possible.”

p.29 “It is only the ending of capitalism, colonialism, imperialism and neocolonialism and the attainment of world communism that can provide the conditions under which the race question can finally be abolished and eliminated.”

P. 34 “Elitism is basic to the thinking of those who accept class stratification. It is an ingredient of capitalism … Elitism is an enemy of socialism and of the working class.”
Rejection of communism is rejection of a classless society. This satisfaction with class stratification is reflected in satisfaction with socialist society where control is exercised through the people’s party / revolutionary party. In this society the party uses coercion to maintain control over backward anti-people classes.

p. 84 “Socialism can only be achieved through class struggle”. With this in mind the CC should be running to put in place more class struggle!

p. 88 “The total liberation and the unification of Africa under an All-African socialist government must be the primary objective of all Black revolutionaries throughout the world. It is an objective which, when achieved, will bring about the fulfillment of the aspirations of Africans and people of African descent everywhere. It will at the same time advance the triumph of the international socialist revolution, and the onward progress toward world communism, under which, every society is ordered on the principle of from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs.”
We should start with this simple definition of World Communism that Nkrumah offers where “every society is ordered on the principle of from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs.”

This is an effort to show that communism was a key component of President Kwame Nkrumah’s thinking and writing. Therefore it is a key component of Nkrumahism-Tureism (NT). Anyone claiming to be NT cannot shy away from communism, say they are opposed to communism, or that they don’t understand communism.

quote from Class Struggle in Africa

"Socialist revolutionaries seek a complete and fundamental transformation of society, and the total abolition of privileged classes; ... Socialist revolution opposes all concepts of elitism, and ends class antagonisms and racism. The socialist revolutionaries are fighting for a type of state which really expresses the aspirations of the masses, and which ensures their participation in every aspect of government." p.80-81

Nkrumah on Philosophy, Notes from Consciencism Part I

“The evaluation of one’s own social circumstance is part of the analysis of facts and events, and this kind of evaluation is, I feel, as good a starting point of the inquiry into the relations between philosophy and society as any other. Philosophy, in understanding human society, calls for an analysis of facts and events, and an attempt to see how they fit into human life, and so how they make up human experience. In this way, philosophy, like history, can come to enrich, indeed to define, the experience of man.” (p. 2)

“I learnt to see philosophical systems in the context of the social milieu which produced them. I therefore learnt to look for social contention in philosophical systems.” (p.5)

“When philosophy is regarded in the light of a series of abstract systems, it can be said to concern itself with two fundamental questions: first, the question ‘what there is’; second, the question how ‘what there is’ may be explained.” (p. 6)

“Answers to the question ‘what there is’ can be said to be idealist or materialist. Inasmuch, however, as an empiricist philosophy can be idealist, even though a materialist philosophy cannot be rationalist, the opposition between idealism and materialism cannot be made identical with the opposition between rationalism and empiricism.

Rationalism is a philosophical breed imbued with certain distinctive characters. In it, an explanation is conceived in such a way that the explanation must create a logical inference to that which is explained. Empiricism accepts the first kind of event as explaining the second kind. But rationalism cannot, because this succession of events is not a necessary one; there is no logical inference from the occurrence of one kind of event to the occurrence of another kind of event.” (p. 14)

“As to idealism, it is a species of philosophy in which spiritual factors are recognized as being primary, and matter held to be dependent for its existence on spirit.” (p. 15)

Categorical conversion by Nkrumah, Notes From Consciencism: Part II

“By categorical conversion, I mean such a thing as the emergence of self-consciousness from that which is not self-conscious; such a thing as the emergence of mind from matter, of quality from quantity.

Philosophy can demonstrate the possibility of the conversion in one or other of two ways: either by means of a conceptual analysis or by pointing at a model. As it happens, philosophy is in a position to do both. Philosophy prepares itself for the accommodation of the hard facts by asserting not the crude sole reality of matter, but its primary reality. Other categories must then be shown to be able to arise from matter through process. It is at this point that philosophical materialism becomes dialectical.” (p.20-21)

“When materialism becomes dialectical, the world is not regarded as a world of states, but as a world of process; a world not of things, but of facts. The endurance of the world consists in process; and activity, or process, becomes the life blood of reality.” (p. 25)

“In the 18^th and 19^th centuries the social contention in philosophy became explicit, especially as law, politics, economics and ethics came to be publicly founded on philosophy. The social contention of philosophy was accepted even as late as the Russian revolution of 1917.

It is therefore not a little amazing that in the 20^th century, Western philosophers should largely disinherit themselves and affect an aristocratic professional unconcern over the social realities of the day.” (p. 54)

“In the case where philosophy confirms a social milieu, it implies something of the ideology of that society. In the other case in which philosophy opposes a social milieu, it implies something of the ideology of a revolution against that social milieu. Philosophy in its social aspect can therefore be regarded as pointing up an ideology.” (p. 56)

Nkrumah on Ideology, Notes from Consciencism Part III

“Indeed it can be said that in every society there is to be found an ideology. … In societies where there are competing ideologies, it is still usual for one ideology to be dominant. This dominant ideology is that of the ruling group. Though the ideology is the key to the inward identity of its group, it is in intent solidarist. For an ideology does not seek merely to unite a section of the people; it seeks to unite the whole of the society in which it finds itself. In its effects, it certainly reaches the whole society, when it is dominant. For, besides seeking to establish common attitudes and purposes for the society, the dominant ideology is that which in the light of circumstances decides what forms institutions shall take, and in what channels the common effort is to be directed.” (p. 57)

“The ideology of a society is total. It embraces the whole life of a people, and manifests itself in their class-structure, history, literature, art, religion. It also acquires a philosophical statement. It an ideology is integrative in intent, that is to say, if it seeks to introduce a certain order which will unite the actions of millions toward specific and definite goals, then its instruments can also be seen as instruments of social control. It is even possible to look upon ‘coercion’ as a fundamental idea of a society. This way of looking at society readily gives rise to the idea of a social contract.” (p. 59-60)

“As ethics, philosophy proposes to throw light upon the nature of moral principles and moral judgements; it also seeks to expose the source of the validity of ethical principles, and so of moral obligation.” (p. 66)

“Our society is not the old society, but a new society enlarged by Islamic and Euro-Christian influences. A new emergent ideology is therefore required, an ideology which can solidify in a philosophical statement, but at the same time an ideology which will not abandon the original humanist principles of Africa. … Such a philosophical statement I propose to name philosophical consciencism,” (p. 70)

“there are two real philosophical alternatives. These alternatives coincide with idealism and materialism. … Individuals have both idealist and materialist tendencies in them. So have societies both idealist and materialist streaks. But these streaks do not exist in equipoise. They are connected by a conflict in which now one streak predominates, now the other.

By reason of the connection of idealism with an oligarchy and of materialism with an egalitarianism, the opposition of idealism and materialism in the same society is paralleled by the opposition of conservative and progressive forces on the social level.” (p. 75)

Nkrumah on capitalism & socialism: Notes from Consciencism Part IV

“The evil of capitalism consists in its alienation of the fruits of labour from those who with the toil of their body and the sweat of their brow produce this fruit. This aspect of capitalism makes it irreconcilable with those basic principles which animate the traditional African society. … Under socialism, however, the study and mastery of nature has a humanist impulse, and is directed not towards a profiteering accomplishment, but the affording of ever-increasing satisfaction for the material and spiritual needs of the greatest number. … In sum, the restitution of Africa’s humanist and egalitarian principles of society requires socialism. It is materialism that ensures the only effective transformation of nature, and socialism that derives the highest development from this transformation.” (p. 76-77)

“Practice without thought is blind; thought without practice is empty. …

What is called for as a first step is a body of connected thought which will determine the general nature of our action in unifying the society which we have inherited, this unification to take account, at all times, of the elevated ideals underlying the traditional African society. Social revolution must therefore have, standing firmly behind it, an intellectual revolution, a revolution in which our thinking and philosophy are directed towards the redemption of our society. Our philosophy must find its weapons in the environment and living conditions of the African people. It is from those conditions that the intellectual content of our philosophy must be created. The emancipation of the African continent is the emancipation of man. This requires two aims: first, the restitution of the egalitarianism of human society, and, second, the logistic mobilization of all our resources towards the attainment of that restitution.” (p. 78)

“The cardinal ethical principle of philosophical consciencism is to treat each man as an end in himself and not merely as a means. This is fundamental to all socialist or humanist conceptions of man.” (p. 95)

“It is the basic unity of matter, despite its varying manifestations, which gives rise to egalitarianism. Basically, man is one, for all men have the same basis and arise from the same evolution according to materialism. This is the objective ground of egalitarianism.” (p. 96)